SACRAMENTAL THEOLOGY 
From an Unknown Source

The third level of religion is that of ritual and institutions.

From anthropological investigations it is seen that rituals generally serve as a religious medium. Van Gennup has coined the well-known phrase "Rites of passage".  These theologically formalize the passages of people(s) from one stage of life to another. Thus baptism religiously solemnizes the movement of a person from sin and chaos into the discipline, protection and fellowship of the Church.   Confirmation religiously formalizes the passage from the passive participation in the Church into an active vision and responsibility to Spirit.   Mass brings you from an individual life into a communion with Christ and, his other members. The anointing of the sick prepares a member of the Church for the trials of sickness and for his passage into the next world. Major rituals generally occur at major points in a man's life.   They may be orientating toward the individual or toward the group.   In the mediate third position we find both classes moving together.

The ceremonies I have put in parenthesis have never officially recognized by the respective groups as official rituals, although they play an integral part in the ritualistic pattern of the people. Several comments might be made concerning these deletions.   In the Lakota culture there was a distinction made between the wicasa pejute, the medicine man, and the wicasa wakan, the shaman or holy man. In many ways this follows the distinction between the Wakan Tanka   Sica and the Wakan Tanka Waste. The medicine man took care of the evil   spirits while holy man took care of the things pertaining to holiness and   wisdom. The medicine man vocation was very selective in the Lakota society,   one man may be able to know the herbs and the incantations and fetishes for   one type of disease but not another.   The ritual would also be varied.   Women were known to have powers over sickness. This should be   sufficient reason for exploding the ritual from the Lakota canon.     

The Christian funeral rites are extremely ancient, but they have never been recognized even if the promise of resurrection is pledged to them.   There may be a variety of reasons for this.   The strongest, I believe, is the philosophic view the has persisted through all the ages of the Church but climaxed in the patristic age, namely, that the body is the source of man's evil, that it is actually worthless, and that its chief destiny is to turn to dust. Also Christ's statement "Let the dead bury themselves" entered into the picture.   From earliest times the bodies of martyrs have been buried and preserved with great veneration; however, a strong magical element can be seen enveloping these entombments.   A claim to the saint’s body indicated a claim to the saint’s assistance and intercession. Instead of preserving intact as a sign of the resurrection pious Christians scattered their bones all over Europe and Asia. Of course, I am exaggerating but the Ancestral devotion of the saints of the Church treated their bodies as a stick of wood.   The mystery of the resurrection was not a strongly felt burial theme; therefore there was nothing really holy about it.   Burials were "black" affairs of gloom and wailing even though the soul might be in heaven and the body unmarked before them.   Yes, Christian burials in the past have not been very Christian affairs and did not deserve the title of "sacrament". 

In Comparative Religious the baptism-confirmation complex have been related to puberty rites; penance has been grouped with purification rites.   Yet the Lakota’s did not have a puberty rite for boys but only for girls.   The sign of maturity was the first killing of a large animal usually the buffalo, which was celebrated by a feast and the proclamation that the young Lakota was no longer a child but a man.   In this toasting there is little liturgical recognition of a new life. Also it should be remembered that for at least six centuries in the Church penance was given only once a lifetime, while in many religions personal absolutions and baptisms occurred daily.   Therefore it would seem that in terms of the singularity and plurality of performance we have an opposite approach in the Lakota and Christian scheme of ritual.   Although the Church proclaims one sacramental baptism, the font at the entrance of churches, the many asperses, the renewal of baptismal vows each year, and the blessing of objects with holy water repeats this theme under the title of sacramental rather than sacrament.   In the Lakota culture the successive birth of children and the killing of meat were a sign of new life not so much for the individual but for the community. There seems to a complementary aspect between these two ritualistic systems.   The Christian’s emphasized the new life of the individual which gave rise to the celebration of the first baptism; the Lakota emphasized the new life in the community which gave rise to the celebration to the first menstruation of the girl and the first kill of a boy. Certainly the girl would menstruate again, and the boy would kill another buffalo, however, the Lakota did not really celebrate it.   This gives rise to the question of what is meant by saying that some sacraments are not repeatable. It was not until the fifth century that the Christian doctrine of the "mark" was formalized by Augustine.   Of courses the singularity of receiving the sacrament of confirmation is linked to that of baptism. But what does it mean the "laying of hands in confirmation” can be received only once.     The problem of analogy permeates this question. In the history of religions certain religions have established prime analogies to emphasize a particular aspect of the life and faith of the people.   But in relation to these there are secondary analogies having equal religious significance in the order of religious living. Where no particular emphasis is needed the ritual is carried out frequently.   It is interesting to note that the ritual of "Preparation for Womanhood" was derived from a repetitive ritual of "menstruation isolation".   The main purpose of it was to make the girl "clean" and good even during the menstruation periods to come.   Still the other practices of cleanliness in relation to womanhood were retained and re-enforced.   Now she did not have to leave the village at those times, but she was to practice a separation from men within the context of the community.   Thus the problem of singularity vs., plurality or repetition of certain major rites correlated below must be considered an historical problem of religious emphasis reconcilable through a study of analogy, as exposed through other rites in the same system of the same style and religious function. 

a. Sweat Bath & Baptism 

I propose that the rituals of the sweat bath and baptism are analogous. The elements involved in these rituals have common characteristics as shown through religious meaning rather than artifact. 

One of the best descriptions of the earliest developed rituals of baptism has been given by Cyril of Jerusalem.   It is with this description that I wish to make my comparisons between Christian Baptism and the Lakota sweat bath. A person who wished to become a Christian had to present himself through a member of the Christian community to a Bishop.   Similarly, following Indian protocol, a newcomer who wishes to take part in the Indian sweat bath would speak to a mentor who would introduce him to the Shaman. The person wishing to take part in a sweat bath would come before the Shaman bearing a peace pipe, which was held on a piece of sage, which is the sign of protection from and rejection of the evil spirits.   Similarly, when the Christian proselyte came before the Bishop he would have to stand on haircloth; this too was a sign of rejection of the powers of Satan.   A Christian accompanied him to testify to the Bishop of his integrity.   If the Bishop accepted the recommendation the proselyte's name was formally entered into a book, which was a sign of union between the proselyte and the kingdom of heaven. A similar thing occurred where the Shaman accepted the pipe from the newcomer and smoked it with him, for this was a sign of his relationship with the Shaman and his initial unity with the entire Wakan Tanka through the medium of his Shaman.   After this, a period of instruction by the Bishop or the Shaman was held concerning holy things to prepare the Neophyte for full spiritual participation in the rite and the subsequent responsibilities associated with it.   During this time both initiates were encouraged to prayer and religious devotion. 

The early Christian baptisteries were in many ways designed like the sweat lodges.   The Baptistery was connected with the altar of Sacrifice by a passage. It was a separate building. The designs on the walls and ceiling of these baptisteries represented the entire world, particularly the Garden of paradise. The tree of life was a common design.   The platform of the baptistery was always tree steps above the ground with the well at ground level, indicating the raised state before the fall the descent into the waters of death, the ascent into life, and the support of the Christian life.   The door always faced the east, and in the coming of the rising sun would the ritual take place. 

The Sioux lodge was hemispherical.   It was made of sticks that were covered with hide; these represented the trees of the forest and the covering of the sky.   The ground was covered with sage to protect and guard against evil spirits who prowl the Earth.   Yet there was a hole dug in the middle into which the water would be poured over hot rocks.   The hotness of the rocks could be related to the contrary powers of the water give by the glory of Christ and the power other spirit.   Just as the Judeo-Christian mythology saw the evil powers lurking in the depths of the water, so too had myths related to the monsters associated with gouged land. 

On the day of the ceremony the Lakota neophyte would again present a peace pipe to the Shaman.   Then a brief recall of things, which he was told, is made.   Then with the peace pipe and the sage, the one to take the sweat bath is lead ceremonially to the sweat lodge.   Similarly, on the doorstep of the Baptistery, a brief ceremony would take place.   The Bishop would again call the person's name and ask him again concerning the rejection of the powers of evil spirits i.e. Satan.   Thereupon the neophyte was signed with the sign of the cross and allowed into the baptistery. (I assume that the reader can make his own comparisons and contrast. Note however, the similar positioning of the pipe and the sign of the cross.) 

In the days of Cyril the ones to be baptized would strip naked once they are inside the baptistery.   Then the initiate is again anointed with the sign of the cross to strengthen their faith and protect them from the Evils of the depths of the water.   Then the person descended into the waters and was baptized three times.   When he was brought forth from the waters he was given a new white garment to wear, which stood for the new life of Christ, which he shared with the saints.   When he was escorted into the Church where he was to be confirmed. 

When a man enters the sweat bath, he too strips himself naked and bends his head low in an indication of his poverty.   After everyone is seated, the Shaman lights the pipe, which has been carried with sage, and passes it around as a symbol of peace and unity with God.   Then with the flap closed water is ritualistically poured upon the rocks four times filling the room with steam.   This more realistically removes the foreign elements from one's body and gives to the body the ability to receive the power of the clouds, the sign of Skan.   The applicant who is going to proceed to the next ceremony then is given a buffalo robe or a symbolic blanket, which he will take with him as he approached the mountain of vision. 

Often the passing of the pipe in the sweat bath and the corresponding prayers are seen as the most important aspect of the ritual.   This type of statement is similar to the many statements that have been made concerning the oils of baptism, which must still be blessed by the bishop and are necessary for formal baptism.   This reflects a preoccupation of the Bishop or Shaman with the signs of their own vocational office or an emphasis upon the giver rather than the receiver of the benefits of the rite. 

As can be seen, the rituals of Baptism and the sweat bath are functionally related. In Baptism the sign of the approach to the altar is done in terms of a lit candle while in the sweat bath the approach to the sacred place of union is done in terms the pole.   Both of these rites are preliminary indications of the full manifestation of the Divine. 

As to my attitude toward the sweat bath as a Christian I would never say they are equivalent.   Rather they are non-contradictory, complementary ways of approaching and purifying oneself from evil for the sake of union with God. The Christian injunction on baptism shows its universal and communal aspect. The Lakota way of sweat bath is shown in its optional devotional, personal aspect.   Rather than attempting to unify the two I believe that the two rituals must restore themselves to a more definitive objective and meaning and change the ritual accordingly.   Is the pipe really a symbol of universal union and peace with all of mankind or just with my immediate environment. This is an important question that must be answered honestly before we could consider using it in the ritual of baptism.   

b. Hanbleciya & Confirmation 

The Hanbleciya and the sacrament of Confirmation are the simplest rites of both ritualistic systems.   The sacrament of Confirmation, if it follows Baptism, as it always did in the early Church, consisted primarily of the approach of the newly baptized to the chair of the Bishop, who in the name of Christ placed hands upon him, so that he would be filled with the powers of the Holy Spirit.   Commonly the bishop's candle was held beside him as he performed this rite a sign of Christ's power working through him. The powers of the Holy Spirit which comes through the laying down of hands is done in imitation and in hope of that laying of hands which produced visions, dreams, prophecy, wisdom, courage and zeal in what is called a charisma. Also at Confirmation there was much use of the anointing of the forehead of the applicant with the sign of the cross. This was used as a sign of drawing out the powers of the Spirit within him. The city aspect of Confirmation was also present in that the individual could now properly sit as a full member in the Christian community, fulfilling whatever function the Spirit leads him to. 

When we turn to the Hanbleciya, we find similar elements.   Just as the newly baptized person was brought to the chair of the Bishop within the sanctuary, so also was the Indian vision-seeker brought to a closed area marked by sacred stakes as a holy place up to the center pole, which marked the place of the descent of the vision.   While walking in the specified manner in relationship to the central pole or sleeping with his head next to it, he would pray perhaps with the pipe.   The prayer with the pipe is analogous to the signing of the cross. It is traditional to the point of necessity or obligation. The visions received by the crier indicates to him his role in life, perhaps in relationship to immediate community to be a leader, a teacher, or a warrior with certain characteristics.   As in the Christian community the visions and dreams have an official interpreter: the shaman or the bishop, but the unique power of the Spirit is also there.   

c. Sundance & Easter 

The Sundance ritual of the Lakota I find comparable to the Easter rituals, particularly in the early Church. In the many books that have been written on the Sundance, there is a lot of variety of rituals associated with its long and widespread history.   So too, the Easter liturgy has had many ceremonies which have sprung up in various places throughout the history of the Church.   However, certain elements seem to stand out in both.   This section will try to point out similarities rather than contrasts. 

The Sundance was the time of ultimate gathering of the Lakota people for council and for worship.   These too were social occasion, but this was of secondary purpose.   So too, in the early Church the Easter services drew together the entire Christian community in a given area in a unique and religious way.   The basic physical element of the rising of the sun is common to both.   The sun for the Sioux represented the supreme Wakan while for the Christian it symbolized the final glory of the Son of God. 

The primary artifact involved in the Lakota ritual was the center pole or tree in a way much similar to the ceremonies surrounding the Easter candle.   The markings upon the candle indicate the supreme mystery of the Alpha and the Omega while the red markings upon the freshly cut tree indicate its ultimate holiness as associated with Wi, the Sun Wakan, The markings of the cross indicate the human aspect of Jesus Christ who conquered death; the final hope of the Christian is to share in Christ's victory. The placement of the sacred colors upon the Lakota tree indicate acts of faith in the powers of the Sun to whom they pray while recognizing the totality of their faith in the orders of Wakan Tanka. If one accepts the correlations I have indicated in the previous chapter a Christian interpretation of the ceremony would be the hope for contemporary and existential manifestations of the Spirit of Christ in the world today; this may be taken as a complement to the Christian emphasis upon the glory of one Man and his coming in glory over all mankind. 

At the fork of the tree the Lakota placed a symbolic nest for the Thunderbird, the associate of the Rock. The presence of the nest indicates a realization of the origin of the divine mysteries in the world and his control over the actions of the earth.   In a similar way the rack and flint producing the fire for the candle indicates the origins of the world and the Trinity from the creating Fathers who last brought us his Son, crowned him An glory and shows the way to the future glorification and enlightenment of all of mankind. 

Just as the tree was brought to the ceremonial ground in stages, an preferably through water, so too the candle is brought into the church in stages.   But the candle is used to purify the water while the tree is purified by it. Still the candle is blessed by holy water before it is brought into the church.   At each stage there is some ceremonial singing and rejoicing.   While the tree is marked and brought to the arena in the company of a virgin; the candle is carried in by a deacon dressed in whites Finally, the tree and candle are placed in the center of their respective sanctuaries.   There are more elaborate prayers and 8ongs made in association with it. 

Another aspect of the Sundance is the recitation of the stories and legends of and by warriors and holy men.   This relatable to the long recitation of readings from salvation history and the renowned events associated with it. 

The recitation of promises and vows made by the Christian people after the long Lenten fast are similar to the promises and thanksgiving expressed by the people of the Lakota nations particularly those who are to be pierced.   The salute of the chosen one to the sun is similar to the recognition given to the light of the candle by the Christian community.   The wrappings of sage about the hands, feet and head of those to be pierced indicate the reiteration of the sweat bath beliefs much as the sprinkling of water upon the Christian renewing his baptismal vows. 

In the Lakota service the offering of one's flesh in sacrifice represents the culminating gift of oneself much as in the Mass the sacrifice of Christ is recalled and re-enacted in a non-bloody manner.   The blessing received through the Sundance are primarily directed to the individual; while the graces of the Mass are primarily directed to the community. 

The proclamation of Christ's salvific role in the Mass by the ejaculations proclaiming the Lamb of God. The presence of the skull of the buffalo and an image of it upon the pole are relatable present, but not predominate except the banquet the ends the Christian service or follows the Lakota one* While Christians believe the bread and wine are transformed into the body and blood of Christ; the Lakota believe that through their flesh and blood sacrifice they are transformed by heavenly powers.   Thus the two ceremonies are essential different but basically similar and complementary. 

d. Yuwipi & the Mass 

The Mass in its present form shows a later first century incorporation of the synagogue service and the elaboration of the Eucharistic. Similarly the Yuwipi service was an early re8ervational form with the addition of a spirit service and the solemnizing of the agape of wild meat and water. 

The Indian prayer service, Yuwipi begins with a gathering of people.   Each person upon entering is given a sprig of sage to put behind his right ear to purify it so that the good spirits will be heard through it.   Sage is often hung about the whole room.   This is analogous to the blessing of each Christian as he enters the church with holy water and the special blessing of the Church. Various things are blessed with incense to indicate the holiness and prayerful purpose of them; similarly things are blessed with sweet grass to bring forth the Good spirits and show that it is worthy of attention. 

At the far end or in the middle of the Yuwipi room the Shaman builds and altar.   This is done in the confines of a holy place marked by sticks bearing the sacred colors.   The center stick is then placed toward the center of the sanctuary the center stick or pole is relatable to the candle, as I have indicated earlier.   On the ground or on paper dirt is ritualistically leveled with an eagle feather and the sacred signs of the circle and the cross are made.   In this holy place, bordered with sage the peace pipe is placed on sage.   As one can see this is analogous to the sacred artifacts of the sanctuary of a Christian Church.   The dirt with its sacred markings is related to the altar with its sacred markings.   The sacred pipe is then related with the Crucifix.   The center pole is represented of the powers of God coming down into the place particularly to the Shaman; this is related to the candle(s) upon the altar, which are signs that Christ's power is and will work here in a special way. 

From the beginning of the service there are two bowls placed in the center of the room. These are completely ignored except for purifications, until the second half of the service.   These are symbolically related to the bread and wine used after the offertory.         

The service, which I am about to describe, has net with a great deal of suspicion and criticism from the priests and missionaries.   In Yuwipi the Shaman is bound with ropes from which he will be loosed before the end of the first part of the prayer service.   This binding does not take place in a similar luwanpi ceremony and shows it is an unessential part of the service. Still often it is included as a supplementary element to provoke greater appearance and reality of the mysterious (wakan). The unbinding of the Shaman and the sparks that follow immediately upon the extinguishing of lights are attributed by the Shaman to the Spirits.   Because this part of the service takes place in the dark, the criticism is raised that such phenomena are the products of a deceiving man.   It is asked, "Who is really causing the sparks?   The spirit or the man?   Because it is dark we do not really know.   Theology it makes no difference if it is the man himself or the spirits who do such things. Allow me to explain. 

First of all, the binding and the performance of the ritual in darkness are signs of helplessness and ignorance of human beings in their perception of divine things.   The images of darkness are common anthropological experiences, which are related to the imagery of the womb. The importance of coming from darkness to light has been frequently related to me by Lakota individuals with whom I have talked.   It is common element in their sweat bath ceremonies and others.         

The unbinding of the Shaman and attribution of this unbinding to the spirit can be explained through Biblical analogies.   The Jewish peoples as with all primitive people, do not theologically distinguish between primary and secondary causality. If we look at the books of the Old Testament it is stated that the Jewish people were put into exile and chastised by the Lord. In actuality Nebacadonasor and the enemies of the Jewish people did these things, but the Jews knew full well that it was the Lord who had decreed that it be done, Various stories, related to the angel of death and the angel of disease, described events as being cause by the Lord, even though an outrider would my that they were caused by natural means.   The Shaman performs his rite according to the directives given to him by God through his visions.   Thus he truly does not do them of his own will but of God's will. He, the Shaman, is only God's instrument.   Thus, if God decreed that the Shaman was to use his hands to loose himself, theologically it may be said that God loosed the Shaman.         

From diverse anthropological readings on phenomena similar to this ranging from the Eskimos with their ventriloquism and hand tricks to the puberty rites of the Amazon Indians, it is frequently noted that the misperformance of such trick ritualistic actions are attributed to the Shaman while the correct performance is attributed to God.   This is directly analogous to the age-old saying that God is the cause of all except sin.   Do we not ourselves say that Christ is speaking to us in the words of the Gospel, when in reality it is the priest who is saying them.   Thus when the Shaman says that the spirit is speaking the words from his mouth, we who are spiritual should know what he is saying. 

As in the first part of the Mass, the first stage of the prayer service is that of instruction.   Properly, the ritual of the Word is a Jewish synagogue service and the lights on the altar need not be lit in Christian churches until the ritual of the meal has begun.   Therefore the turning out of lights in a place is a valid ritualistic act from even a Christian point of view. 

The basic elements of the first part of the prayer service consist of first: intercessory prayers to the spirits. Then there is a manifestation that the words to come through the mouth of the Shaman are from the Spirit.   Third there are songs of rejoicing praise, and further petition.   Next there is perhaps a direct address made to or for the person in whose honor the prayer service is being made.   The next element is that of petitions and prayers by the individual members in the room, one after another.   Finally there is more prayer and singing and then the prayer part of the service is finished and the lights are turned back on, a sign that the communication is complete. 

The most common equivalence of the Lakota spirits is that of angels as many Lakota realize.   They act primarily as pure mediators between them and the Grandfather, Wi.   Of course, the spirits may be individually interceded upon much as we intercede the angels and saints of heaven.   This concludes the discussion here on the first half of the Luwanpi ritual as correlated to the Liturgy of the Word. 

The second half of the Luwanpi ritual is properly an agape in which ritualistic meat and drink are taken. In the Lakota religion this plays a necessary be secondary place compared to the prayer service.   In the Christian dispensation the ceremony of the broad and wine takes the primary role compared to the liturgy of the word.   The food for the Lakota agape is blessed by the spirit however the food is actually realized to be sacral before the meal because of the reality and presence of the Buffalo Wakan in the world. Consecration of food in the Christian dispensation, however, is through men rather than spirits; yet it is to be remembered that the priest only received his power by the gifts of the Spirit.   This theological comparison should increase our appreciation of the many similarities between these two rites.

The Lakota meal ritual with the ceremonial smoking of the pipe. In this ceremony the fullness of God is praised and each partake of the pipe under the context of offering.   As each man receives the pipe he smokes the pipe, blowing the smoke upwards touches-the bowl of the pipe to the ground and says "For relatives and all things.'' This is similar to the kiss of Christ's peace which is passed and shared which once initiated the whole liturgy of the meal but now only proceeds the actual eating and sharing of the sacred food and drink. 

Next, the Lakota drink is passed out to everyone and then the meat.   Before anyone may eat the ejaculation must again be said. The meat should be wild meat preferably buffalo, but dog will do for the poor, the buffalo and the dog were the animals closest to the Indian.   Their meat is considered holy in this context.   The water and the meat are as the Blood and Body for they are both very great gifts and expressions of the Divine through which we grow and live.   The sacral reality of the Eucharist is different in kind but not of quality.   The Lakota meal is always supplemented with other things as were the early Christian banquets and are meals in the first sense of the term. 

Before anyone leaves the Lakota ritual banquet the ejaculation "For my relatives and all things" is repeated from person to person. Then the center stick is pulled out, as the candles are put out, marking the end of the service.   If one considers the conclusions to the ritual as being short after the reception of the sacred species at Mass, one must visit the Lakota prayer service. Their prayers being said in the first part and the meal over there is nothing most to say or do but to go home. 

From the above description there seems nothing within this Yuwipi ceremony, which is of itself unacceptable.   The Lakota accentuate the prayer service while the Christians accentuate the meal service.   They each seemingly have revelation to carry out their activities.   The two really do not conflict with each other theologically.   Certain problems, however, can and have cropped up on the human level in terms of ill-directed prayers and unreligious exclusivism and censorship. Also a too great an emphasis upon the talents of the minister to attract and move an audience upon his own talents which draws not to an admiration for good men and their good message would of course be classified as irreligious. 

The peyote cult of the Native American Church follows a ceremonial similar to the prayer meeting which close to a Pentecostal style.   The mechanism used to trigger spirit-matter communications is a psychedelic drug. Of itself it is not objectionable. There has been noted in these group tendencies toward syncretism, isolations and psychological dependence, which are objectionable. The lack of a mechanism for discernment and discipline make their inspirations questionable.   However, all of these matters are capable of correction.   The chief redeeming quality of the Native American Church is the national Indian identity they foster and may help expand the consciousness and involvement in a more universal conversion.   Yet I have my doubts.